Tag: news

  • Umuhanzi fresh gemmy afatanije na khalfan Govinda bakoranye indirimbo never give up. #rwanda #RwOT

    Fresh gemmy ni umunyarwa usanzwe uba muri leta zunze ubumwe za america yagiye agaragaza ubushake mu guteza imbere umuziki nyarwanda abicishije mu gukorana n’abahanzi b’abanyarwanda baba imbere mu gihugu,yakoranye na Gisa cyinganzo iyo bise Njye nawe ,nyuma yaho gato yongera gukorana na Mr kagame indi bise show me love iyo yaherukaga gukora wenyine yitwa come back.

    Ejobubundi nibwo fresh gemmy afatanije n’umuraperi khalifan Govinda bashyize hanze indirimbo never give up, iyi ndirimbo cyari igitekerezo cya gemmy aho aba bombi bumvikana bagaruka kukudacika intege.

    Aganira na kasukumedia.com fresh gemmy yavuzeko aterwa ishema no gukorana n’abahanzi babanyarwanda avugako impamvu yahisemo khalfan ari uko kuriwe ari umuraperi abona ushoboye akaba aba bombi nubusanzwe ari inshuti, iyi ni indirimbo yakozwe na producer evydecks usanzwe umenyerewe mu gukorana kenshi na bamwe mu baraperi ba hano mu Rwanda.

    Fresh gemmy agaruka ku kibazo cyo gukora indirimbo z’amajwi n’amagambo yanditse ibi bizwi nka video lyrics mu ndimi z’amahanga yavuzeko amashusho y’indirimbo ze aba yifuza kuyakorera mu Rwanda naho ku ndirimbo afatanije n’abandi avugako biba byiza iyo ukoze amashusho urikumwe nuwo mwafatanije atari ibintu bigiye biterateranywa.

    The post Umuhanzi fresh gemmy afatanije na khalfan Govinda bakoranye indirimbo never give up. appeared first on KASUKU MEDIA.

    source https://kasukumedia.com/umuhanzi-fresh-gemmy-afatanije-na-khalfan-govinda-bakoranye-indirimbo-never-give-up/

  • Kamonyi: Saa Moya zuzuye muzifate nk’aho wari ugiye gutaha iwawe ugasanga umugezi wuzuye-Meya Tuyizere #rwanda #RwOT

    Abantu basaga 150 bafatiwe mu bice bitandukanye by’Umurenge wa Runda mu ijoro ry’uyu wa 29 Kanama 2020 banyuranije n’amabwiriza yo kwirinda ikwirakwizwa rya Coronavirus. Ubuyobozi bw’akarere ka Kamonyi n’izindi nzego bazindutse mu gitondo cy’uyu wa 30 Kanama 2020 bigisha, bashishikariza abafashwe ko bakwiye kubaha no kuzirikana isaha ya Saa moya, buri wese akaba yageze iwe.

    Abafashwe bose, baba abanyamaguru, abafite ibinyabiziga nka Moto ndetse n’imodoka  barajwe mu kibuga cy’umupira cya Ruyenzi, bazira kunyuranya n’amabwiriza y’ibyemezo by’inama y’abaminisitiri iheruka, aho asaba buri wese ko I saha ya saa moya igomba kumusanga aho arara mu rwego rwo kwirinda icyorezo cya Coronavirus.

    Abarajwe mu kibuga cya Ruyenzi kubwo kunyuranya n’amabwiriza yo kwirinda Covid-19.

    Meya Tuyizere, yabwiye buri wese ko iyi saha agomba kuyifata nk’aho yari agiye gutaha agasanga umugezi wuzuye. Ati“ Saa moya zuzuye muzifate nk’aho wari ugiye gutaha iwawe ugasanga umugezi wuzuye. Usanze wuzuye uguma aho ugeze ugacumbika. Ariko nujya no gukora ibikorwa byawe utangire utekereze, wibaze ngo saa moya ndaba ndihe? Ubundi abo ducumbikira ni ababuze aho bacumbika, ntawe dusanga mu rugo tumufatira mu muhanda, ntawe ucumbika mu muhanda kuko nta hoteli ihari, tubazana hano rero kugira ngo tubarindire n’uwo mutekano”.

    Yongeyeho ati“ Uko mwaraye aha ngaha muri iyi Hoteli nziza (mu kibuga), mutubere abavugizi. Munabwire bagenzi banyu ngo ntawe twifuriza kurara kuri iriya Sitade, ejo ejobundi n’imvura izaba igwa, amahitamo ni ayanyu rwose ushaka kuhaza inshuro nyinshi  Serivise turagenda tuzongera ahagaruke, uwumva abirambiwe yigire mu rugo saa moya abe yibereye mu rugo n’imiryango yanyu irabakeneye, abafite abana bakeneye kubabona hakiri kare, hari abo bari barayobewe amasura yabo”.

    Uwamahoro Prisca, Vice Mayor ushinzwe imibereho myiza, yibukije by’umwihariko igitsina gore cyari mu bafashwe ko bahemukiye ba Mutimawurugo, ko buri wese akwiye kwinenga no guharanira kuba urugero rwiza mu bandi.

    Mu butumwa bwatanzwe n’abandi bayobozi batandukanye barimo n’inzego z’umutekano, Ingabo na Polisi, bibukije abafashwe ko bahemutse, ko bakwiye kwisubiraho kuko ibyo bakora byose babikesha kuba ari bazima, ko nta mirimo ahatari ubuzima. Basabwe bose kuzirikana ubuzima bwabo n’ubw’abandi birinda iki cyorezo.

    Mu kwirinda iki cyorezo cya Coronavirus, bibukijwe ko ari ngombwa gukaraba amazi meza n’isabune kandi kenshi, kwambara agapfukamunwa kandi neza, guhana intera hagati y’umuntu n’undi, n’izindi ngamba. Basabwe kureka ingendo zitari ngombwa ndetse ubona ko urugendo yafashe rushobora kumuraza nzira agafata icyemezo cyo kurureka.

    Meya Tuyizere ati” Ntawe twifuza ko aza hano ariko kandi uwumva yahashimye, ibiciro bya Hoteli yacu turaza kubyongera”. Yasabye buri wese kubaha isaha ya Saa moya.

    Mwizerwa Rafiki, Gitifu w’Umurenge wa Runda yibukije ko unyuranya wese n’amabwiriza yo kwirinda no kurinda abandi atazihanganirwa.
    Ubwo abafashwe barekurwaga batashye.

    Soma hano inkuru ijyanye n’iyi:Kamonyi: Umukwabu w’abanyuranije n’amabwiriza ya Covid-19 ufatiwemo abasaga 150, imodoka na Moto

    Munyaneza Theogene / intyoza.com

    source http://www.intyoza.com/kamonyi-saa-moya-zuzuye-muzifate-nkaho-wari-ugiye-gutaha-iwawe-ugasanga-umugezi-wuzuye-meya-tuyizere/

  • Dr Denis Mukwege ou le prix Nobel a deux visages #rwanda #RwOT

    Ce médecin devenu célèbre, suite à son engagement dans le combat contre les violences sexuelles faites aux femmes, est aujourd’hui détenteur de nombreux prix prestigieux dont le prix Nobel de la paix, le prix Sakharov, et de plusieurs décorations des gouvernements belges et français ainsi que de certaines institutions publiques européennes. Tous ces prix et toutes ces décorations, lui ont été décernés en reconnaissance de sa contribution au combat contre les violences sexuelles dont les femmes du Sud-Kivu sont victimes.

    L’engagement et le combat du docteur Denis Mukwege sont bien réels et font aujourd’hui la fierté, à juste titre, de sa famille, de sa communauté et de son pays.

    Jusqu’à une date toute récente, c’est cette image du médecin compatissant débordant d’humanité et entièrement dévoué à sa cause qui prévalait sur la scène congolaise et régionale, et qui prévaut encore de manière quasi inviolable sur la scène occidentale spécialement en Suède, en Belgique et en France où l’intéressé jouit d’un véritable culte.

    Tout récemment, un événement tragique, parmi des centaines d’autres qui frappent quasi quotidiennement les hauts plateaux de Fizi, de Mwenga et d’Uvira au Sud-Kivu, a porté l’ombre du doute sur l’impartialité et l’intégrité de cette figure respectée. En effet, peu après le 16 juillet, un groupe de députés du Sud-Kivu, notoirement connu pour son radicalisme anti-tutsi, a diffusé une information mensongère faisant état du massacre de 200 civils innocents par des éléments d’autodéfense de la communauté tutsi banyamulenge dans la localité de Kipupu. A la stupéfaction générale, le docteur Denis Mukwege a apporté son soutien sans réserve à ce groupe de députés, avant que la moindre enquête impartiale ait confirmé ou infirmé les déclarations du groupe, et, les propos du docteur Mukwege furent ceux-ci : « ce sont les mêmes qui continuent à tuer en RDC. Les comptes macabres de Kipupu sont dans la droite ligne des massacres qui frappent la RDC depuis 1996 ». Par cette déclaration le docteur Mukwege (i) reconnait sans équivoque qu’il y a eu massacre de 200 personnes, (ii) possédant une intime connaissance de la région et des conflits qui l’affectent de même que des protagonistes impliqués, il est absolument impossible qu’il puisse ignorer que les accusations des députés visaient la communauté banyamulenge victime d’un nettoyage ethnique depuis pratiquement deux années et demie dans le silence et l’indifférence total[1].

    C’est à la suite de ce soutien, inexplicable de poids, aux députés provinciaux accusateurs que plusieurs personnalités de la communauté banyamulenge, dont d’anciens condisciples du docteur, et connaissances de sa famille, ont adressé des lettres d’une infinie courtoisie au prix Nobel de la paix l’adjurant de garder ses distances vis-à-vis des députés auteurs des accusations infondées. Par ailleurs, deux personnalités de la communauté banyamulenge lui ont rendu visite afin de le persuader de garder sa neutralité jusqu’à l’établissement incontestable des faits, mais, il leur a répondu « qu’il n’avait nulle part cité les banyamulenge et qu’il ne s’intéressait qu’à l’ingérence des Etats et pas aux interactions entre communautés… ». Or, il est difficilement concevable d’imaginer un Etat impliqué dans les incidents de Kipupu qui étaient exclusivement liés au pillage de plus de 400 vaches, appartenant aux banyamulenge, par les mai-mai qui les avaient acheminé sur Kipupu centre de négoce principal du bétail razzié et QG de ces derniers.

    En réaction aux lettres lui adressées, et à la visite des personnalités banyamulenge, Denis Mukwege répliqua par une série cinglante de communiqués de presse, dans le Figaro, la Voix de l’Amérique, et la BBC, déclarant qu’il avait été objet de menaces lui et sa famille. Surprenante réaction qui rappelle étrangement la disparition rocambolesque du docteur Mukwege en 2012 au prétexte qu’il était menacé de mort par des commanditaires dont l’identité n’a jamais été révélée, et gageons qu’on ne connaîtra jamais les auteurs de cette « seconde tentative d’atteinte à l’intégrité du docteur Mukwege et de sa famille », même si on comprend dans quelle direction son doigt accusateur est pointé. Cette nouvelle « menace » ressemble bizarrement au type d’opération marketing politico-humanitaire dont il tire d’immenses dividendes. Il est intéressant de rappeler combien la disparition fortement médiatisée du docteur Mukwege et sa réapparition spectaculaire avaient contribué à promouvoir sa propre renommée ; ceci étant dit, on ne peut taire la manœuvre odieuse récente envers des personnes l’ayant approché de bonne foi dans un esprit de conciliation.

    S’agissant d’une enquête indépendante établissant les responsabilités et le bilan des victimes, rien de crédible et de sérieux n’a été entrepris, seuls des chiffres fantaisistes et contradictoires en disent long sur ce « massacre fantôme », les mêmes groupes accusateurs indiquent au début 220 victimes qui fondent comme par miracle à 200, ensuite à 15, et cela sans la plus minime des preuves, ensuite apparaissent 200 disparus, qui remplacent les 200 morts de départ devenus introuvables : une véritable farce. Le plus choquant et le plus scandaleux de l’histoire est que la délégation ayant donné sa bénédiction au dernier « bilan », qui n’est restée que quelques heures à Kipupu par ailleurs, était conduite par le ministre provincial de l’intérieur et sécurité Lwabandji Ngabo qui le 8 octobre 1996, avait déclaré les banyamulenge hors-la-loi, leur donnant deux semaines pour quitter le Zaïre alors qu’il était vice-gouverneur du Sud-Kivu : peut-on imaginer meilleure illustration de l’avilissement des mœurs politiques en RDC ?

    Tels sont les faits incontestables jusqu’à ce jour. Et on peut dès lors s’interroger légitimement comment un homme de l’intelligence, de l’expérience, et de la renommée du docteur Denis Mukwege a pu soutenir une accusation partisane, infondée et surtout porteuse d’un potentiel d’exacerbation des antagonismes ethniques, dans un contexte ouvertement explosif.

    L’autre question centrale qui se pose consiste à connaître les raisons pour lesquelles le prix Nobel de la paix est resté muet face au calvaire des banyamulenge qui depuis plus de deux ans et demi subissent un nettoyage ethnique féroce de la part des mai-mai congolais alliés aux rebelles burundais de RED TABARA, , FNL et FOREBU qui pillent, violent, tuent, et brûlent des villages entiers des banyamulenge sur les hauts plateaux dans l’indifférence générale des gouvernements provincial et central, des FARDC, qui sont souvent accusés de connivence avec les mai-mai[2], et même de la MONUSCO qui évite de prendre le moindre risque, situation qui a d’ailleurs contraint les victimes à mettre sur pieds un groupe d’autodéfense appelé « Twirwaneho[3] » pour la protection des familles et des biens.

    Le contraste entre la rapidité frappante de la réaction de soutien du docteur Denis Mukwege aux députés accusateurs, et la totale absence de réaction face à l’avalanche des malheurs qui s’abattent sur la communauté des banyamulenge depuis deux ans et demi parle d’elles-mêmes : il semble malheureusement pour le docteur Mukwege qu’il existe deux types de victimes, à savoir les bonnes victimes qui méritent compassion et secours, et les mauvaises victimes qu’il convient de laisser à leur triste sort. Face à ce constat une question s’impose : le prix Nobel de la paix aurait-il deux visages ?

    Qui que nous soyons, notre comportement et nos choix sont façonnés par la culture, l’éducation, l’environnement, l’expérience et l’histoire, en plus, bien sûr de l’héritage génétique, et aucun être humain n’échappe à cette règle. Nous laisserons de côté le facteur génétique car sa complexité échappe à notre expertise, et sa pertinence n’est guère avérée dans ce type d’occurrence.

    Pour ceux connaissant intimement la région et ses habitants, les relations complexes et difficiles entre les banyarwanda et les bashi ont toujours été teintées de méfiance et d’hostilité car la culture shi a toujours cultivé le souvenir d’un voisinage caractérisé par des conflits militaires incessants, avec les souverains rwandais, qui n’ont cessé qu’avec la colonisation, ce facteur hélas continue d’influencer globalement les bashi qui considèrent les banyamulenge comme un appendice du Rwanda peu importe l’ancienneté de leur présence en RDC.

    A ce facteur est venu se greffer l’attaque et la neutralisation, en octobre 1996 par l’AFDL, des groupements importants des réfugiés génocidaires hutu armés repliés à Lemera dans le voisinage de l’hôpital des protestants pentecôtiste suédois dans lequel le docteur Mukwege officiait[4], cet événement a dû laisser des traces profondes chez le futur prix Nobel qui fut obligé de s’enfuir avec les occupants armés[5].

    En 1997, la défaite totale de l’armée zaïroise, et l’occupation de Bukavu et du Bushi par les troupes de l’AFDL majoritairement banyamulenge furent pour le moins une humiliation inexpiable aux yeux du docteur Mukwege. Ces deux événements venaient s’ajouter au triomphe du FPR en 1994 au Rwanda qui avait contraint à la fuite vers le Bushi et la plaine de la Rusizi des milliers de familles hutu de la région de Cyangugu apparentées aux bashi et pfulero déclenchant un ressentiment quasi généralisé, qui demeure toujours vivace au sein des populations, des élites et des politiciens du milieu d’accueil à l’égard de l’élément tutsi.

    L’influence de ces événements sur le prix Nobel de la paix est absolument indéniable et explique ses choix d’hier et d’aujourd’hui tels que :

    Sa réception quasi solennelle à l’assemblée nationale française, en compagnie de Martin Fayulu en novembre[6] 2019, en vue de préparer la réhabilitation du Mapping Report et la mise en accusation du Rwanda lors de la rencontre de la francophonie prévue à Bordeaux en mai 2020, et de contester la légitimité de Félix Tshisekedi (cfr. position d’Africa Watch et Fayulu qui participait aux travaux).
    L’invitation de Denis Mukwege comme élément phare au colloque du 09/03/2020 au sénat français organisé par des sénateurs défenseurs de l’opération Turquoise, d’anciens militaires de Turquoise, des politiciens français négationnistes du génocide des tutsi, des activistes et chercheurs notoirement pro génocidaires. Soucieux de préserver son image, craignant de s’afficher en compagnie de sympathisants génocidaires, Denis Mukwege, astucieusement conseillé, s’était décommandé à la dernière minute laissant à Fayulu son allié le soin de déverser son venin anti-tutsi face à un auditoire acquis d’avance.
    L’alliance politique de fait avec Martin Fayulu, anti tutsi notoire qui claironne urbi et orbi que les tutsi ont infiltré les institutions congolaises pour balkaniser le pays, à côté de son lieutenant Mozito qui prône même l’annexion d’un pays voisin.
    L’obsession de l’exhumation du fameux Mapping totalement discrédité en raison de sa méthodologie fort douteuse et de son objectif déstabilisateur qui visent l’accréditation de la thèse du double génocide, et la condamnation de ceux qui ont arrêté le génocide des tutsi face à la déficience impardonnable des Nations Unies.
    Le récent soutien sans faille de Martin Fayulu au docteur Mukwege pour son appui aux députés provinciaux accusateurs des banyamulenge.
    Le soutien de l’APARECO, organisation anti-tutsi par excellence, d’Honoré Ngbanda sinistre ex chef des services de sécurité sous Mobutu[7], et de Marcellin Chikwanine activiste défenseur des FDLR.
    Face à temps d’évidences est-il permis de douter que le docteur Mukwege ait choisi la défense du camp des militants extrémistes anti tutsi dans l’affaire de Kipupu ? Hélas, non, nous sommes très loin de l’image du médecin congolais au discours humanitaire et humaniste chéri par l’Occident, car aujourd’hui, chez cet homme, l’activisme politique animé par une ferme volonté de règlement de compte, vis-à-vis de l’histoire récente de la région, transcende l’action humanitaire du gynécologue obstétricien. Le soutient aux députés provinciaux accusateurs des banyamulenge n’est que l’aboutissement logique et cohérent du parcours de ce prix Nobel qui utilise maintenant le prestige international de ce titre pour la défense des causes inavouables dans son pays et dans la région des Grands Lacs, tel est malheureusement « le second et véritable visage du docteur Denis Mukwege » : qui peut savoir aujourd’hui s’il n’a pas été promu dans ce but par certains de ses sponsors au Nobel ?

    [1] Le bilan actuel chez les banyamulenge fait état de plus de 250 villages incendiés et rasés, 160.000 vaches pillées et de 200 tués sans compter les viols et mutilations.

    [2] Lettre du groupe « Twirwaneho » adressée au Président de la République le 15 juillet 2020 avec preuves en annexe.

    [3] Assurons notre propre défense

    [4] La quasi-totalité des occupants de l’hôpital appartenait à ces groupes.

    [5] Evénement fondateur de l’attitude du prix Nobel en référence à son message de soutien aux députés provinciaux accusateurs des banyamulenge.

    [6] La réunion s’est tenue le 02/12/2019, mais la mort de la mère du docteur Mukwege l’avait empêché d’assister aux travaux, seul Fayulu y a assisté.

    [7] Article Patrick Mbeko de l’APARECO « fr.sputniknews.com » du 12-08-2020

    L’auteur de ce texte l’a publie pour la premiere fois dans le journal Congoonline le 14 Aout 2020

    Gaston Nganguzi Rwasamanzi

    source https://fr.igihe.com/Dr-Denis-Mukwege-ou-le-prix-Nobel-a-deux-visages.html

  • Mu mafoto dore ubwoko bushya bw’imisatsi igezweho abakobwa n’abagore bakwifashisha mu kugaragara neza. #rwanda #RwOT

    Bizwi ko mubigaragaza ubwiza bw’umugore cyangwa umukobwa umusatsi uza mu byimbere niyo mpamvu nka kasukumedia.com twabakusanyirije bumwe mu bwoko bw’imisatsi bugezweho cyane ku mugabane wacu wa africa.
    Bitewe n’amahitamo ya burumwe ashobora gukoresha ubwoko we yabonye bwamushimishije.












    Aha burumwe ashobora guhitamo ubwoko bw’umusatsi ashaka bitewe nuwo yakunze.

    The post Mu mafoto dore ubwoko bushya bw’imisatsi igezweho abakobwa n’abagore bakwifashisha mu kugaragara neza. appeared first on KASUKU MEDIA.

    source https://kasukumedia.com/mu-mafoto-dore-ubwoko-bushya-bwimisatsi-igezweho-abakobwa-nabagore-bakwifashisha-mu-kugaragara-neza/

  • Uganda Christian University Installs 3rd Vice Chancellor #rwanda #RwOT

    In a virtual event coupled with just a dozen officials physically present at a ceremony hall at campus, Uganda Christian University witnessed the installation of a new Vice chancellor on Sunday.

    “We welcome you for the virtual installation service of our 3rd Vice Chancellor, Assoc. Prof. Aaron Mushengyezi,” the University management said.

    Prof. Mushengyezi a former dean at Makerer University replaces Rev. Can. Dr. John Senyonyi as VC at Uganda Christian University.

    Dr. Senyonyi was the Vice Chancellor of UCU from 2010 until 2020 after he replaced the then VC, Prof. Stephen Noll.

    Dr. Mushengyesi was serving as the Dean of the School of Languages, Literature, and Communication at Makerere University, where he replaced Prof. Monica Chibita. Both now work at UCU.

    Reading from the book of Exodus, The preacher of the day is The Most Rev. Dr. Stephen Samuel Kaziimba Mugalu, Archbishop of the Church of Uganda and Chancellor of this university requested the new VC to diligently lead the institution despite challenges.

    “God calls the unqualified and qualifies them,” he said.

    “Then the LORD said to Moses, Go to Pharaoh, for I have hardened his heart and the hearts of his officials so that I may perform these signs of mine among them,” reads the verse (Exodus 10).

    source https://taarifa.rw/uganda-christian-university-installs-3rd-vice-chancellor/

  • Scanning Through Patrick Mwanawasa Leadership Matters #rwanda #RwOT

    On 19 August 2008, Levy Patrick Mwanawasa, the third President of Zambia, died in a French hospital after reportedly suffering a stroke. Twelve years later, Mwanawasa remains as vivid in death as he was in public life.

    He is widely regarded as one of Zambia’s most effective leaders, who secured debt relief, steered the country through a period of sustained economic growth, promoted constitutionalism and the rule of law, and consolidated the country’s democratic tradition.

    Although many people know him as president, the presidency was simply the ultimate platform on which Mwanawasa enacted important values whose origin lay in his early life and which define his legacy.

    These include the importance of family and community, a deep love for learning and growing, capacity for effective and selfless leadership, loyalty to principle, moral force of character, faith in one’s fellow human being, and the proactive use of the law as a shield for the weak and ordinary citizen and not as a sword for the elite and the powerful. Throughout his life, Mwanawasa consistently gave expression to these ideals, starting with his formative years.

    Birth and early years

    The second born in a family of six, Mwanawasa was born on 3 September 1948 in the mining town of Mufulira on the Copperbelt. His parents were Myria Mokola and Patrick Chipokota Mayamba Mwanawasa, who was working as a domestic employee to a mine captain before he later established himself as a successful businessman. Mwanawasa went to Arusha Primary School in Luanshya in 1958.

    He then attended Fiwale Mission school before proceeding to Chiwala Secondary in Ndola, where his leadership qualities were first noticed by the school authorities who appointed him Head Boy in 1969, the year when he completed Grade 12.

    While at Chiwala, an English lawyer, Jack Dare, and Julius Sakala, the first black Town Clerk of Ndola City Council, came to the school to give lectures on career choices. It was these talks that greatly influenced the career of Mwanawasa. His former schoolteachers, according to Amos Malupenga’s book, Levy Patrick Mwanawasa: An Incentive for Posterity, recalled an ambitious young man who told them that he wanted to become “a big solicitor to serve people”.

    Student leader

    After completing secondary education, Mwanawasa joined Ndola City Council as a trainee cadet under the leadership of Sakala, the Town Clerk who would later go on to become a distinguished member of the Zambian bar. Impressed with his hard work and keen to buttress its legal department, the council sponsored Mwanawasa to study law at the University of Zambia (UNZA) in 1970 where he graduated with a Bachelor of Laws degree three years later.

    While studying at UNZA, Mwanawasa’s leadership qualities were further developed when he was elected Vice-President of the University of Zambia Students Union (UNZASU), a platform that gave him an early opportunity to hone his political skills and appreciate the importance of fostering competitive democracy.

    His UNZASU executive negotiated for the introduction of the National Youth Service initiative, a six-month military-like training programme that saw school leavers and university students taught various skills aimed at instilling discipline, fostering national unity, building patriotism and enhancing their occupational abilities.

    Leading lawyer

    Following his completion of legal studies, which included passing the qualifying courses at the Legal Practice Institute (now known as the Zambia Institute for Advanced Legal Education – ZIALE) at first attempt, Mwanawasa worked as an assistant at Jacques and Partners, a prominent private law firm under the leadership of distinguished lawyers like John Mwanakwatwe and Willa Mung’omba. He remained at the firm from 1975 to 1978 when he formed his own law practice, Mwanawasa and Company.

    The development of his leadership qualities was given another boost when he was elected as vice-president of the Law Association of Zambia in 1982. President Kenneth Kaunda noted Mwanawasa’s growing profile and, seeking to utilise his talents for wider public good, appointed him as Solicitor General in 1985. The two however differed over what Mwanawasa characterised as the practice of detaining people without trial, prompting the President to dismiss him a year later.

    Mwanawasa’s star rose sharply over the course of the 1980s, developing from a young advocate to a leading lawyer who successfully defended prominent dissidents of one-party rule and high-profile suspects like then Zambia Congress of Trade Union (ZCTU) Chairman-General Frederick Chiluba and treason-accused former army commander, Lieutenant General Christon Tembo.

    Pro-democracy leader

    After 17 years of one-party rule, calls for the re-introduction of multiparty politics gained considerable momentum in the second quarter of 1990. The two prime organisers were Akashambatwa Mbikusita-Lewanika, then chairperson of the Economics Association of Zambia, and Mbita Chitala, who, on 20 July that year, established the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) as a pressure group to campaign for the return of multiparty democracy in a forthcoming referendum.

    Other notable figures who were present at the MMD’s founding meeting at Garden House in Lusaka included Edith Nawakwi, Muna Ndulo, Fred M’membe, Baldwin Nkumbula, Simon Zukas, Katele Kalumba, Arthur Wina (who was chosen as the leader of the interim national committee), Chiluba (operations and mobilisation chairperson), and Vernon Mwaanga (information and publicity chairperson).

    Mwanawasa was elected in absentia as MMD chairperson for the legal committee, but he flatly rejected the honour, unhappy that he was not consulted. After great persuasion from his wife, Maureen Kakubo, he reluctantly accepted and went on to offer free legal services to the civil society organisation.

    In September 1990, President Kaunda canceled the referendum and subsequently signed the law that paved the way for the creation of more political parties other than the governing United National Independence Party (UNIP). The MMD transformed itself into a political party on 4 January 1991.

    At the party’s inaugural convention in February 1991, Mwanawasa, in another public show of confidence in his leadership qualities, was elected MMD vice-president with 63.3 percent of support, defeating Nkumbula and Tembo. Of particular importance was that he had initially refused to stand for any position, declaring that “I want to go back to my practice because we have achieved what we wanted. Dr Kenneth Kaunda has agreed to revert to multiparty democracy and to me that is an achievement, so I want to go back to my practice.”

    It took other people, mainly a group of educated and reform-minded professionals such as Kalumba, Dean Mung’omba, Robert Sichinga, Mathias Mpande, Gilbert Mudenda and Chitala, who, in recognition of his impressive character traits, persuaded him to change his mind and put forward his name for election.

    As Akashambatwa Mbikusita-Lewanika recalled in Malupenga’s book, “we put forward Levy Mwanawasa as our candidate for the vice-presidency. He did not propose his name. We thought if the MMD’s dreams had to be realised, a grouping of individuals of that character was necessary. We were saying if UNIP was dictatorial, then we needed to be more democratic. We wanted a leadership that was different from the past.” Chiluba, overcoming competition from three others, was elected party president.

    Earlier, President Kaunda, responding to popular demands for an early election, had cut short his five-year term, which was due to end in 1993, and set general elections for October 1991. The MMD, featuring as the main opposition challenger, went on to defeat UNIP in an election that saw Mwanawasa elected as member of parliament for Chifubu constituency in Ndola. Chiluba, the party’s presidential candidate, defeated Kaunda and, after he took office on 2 November, named a Cabinet that included Mwanawasa as Zambia’s vice-president.

    Vice-president who resigned on principle

    On 8 December 1991, barely a month in power, Mwanawasa was involved in a road traffic accident after his vice-presidential motorcade collided with another car that was driven by Godwin Chirwa, an official from State House and a designated driver of the then First Lady. The cause of the accident was inconclusive. A Commission of Inquiry that was appointed to investigate the issue found that Chirwa was in a drunken stupor when the mishap happened.

    Unfortunately, Chirwa himself was found dead in unclear circumstances four days before he was due to give testimony in court about the cause of the accident. As well as claiming the life of Mwanawasa’s aide-de-camp, Brown Mwale, the accident left the vice-president with severe injuries that required specialised treatment in South Africa.

    Mwanawasa continued to serve as vice-president until 3 July 1994 when he resigned his Cabinet position in protest against growing levels of corruption in government and the lack of transparency and accountability.

    “It is not often that a vice-president of a country resigns,” Mwanawasa wrote in his letter of resignation to President Chiluba, but “if my resignation will serve to shake this government into realising the implication of the behaviour of some of our ministers, which basically goes unpunished, my action will have served a useful purpose to our party and this nation.” He retained his MMD membership and parliamentary seat.

    In December 1995, the former vice-president unsuccessfully challenged president Chiluba for the leadership of the MMD before he chose not to defend his parliamentary seat in the 1996 elections. He retired from active politics that year and returned to private law practice, where he remained successful over the course of the 1990s.

    In July 2001, following the collapse of President Chiluba’s third term bid, Mwanawasa learnt that Chiluba was considering nominating him as his successor and immediately set out to reject the plans. “When I received information that the MMD wanted to have me as their presidential candidate”, Mwanawasa is quoted as saying in Malupenga’s book, “I went to see Dr Chiluba and said ‘I hear that this is what is being contemplated, but I am not interested. If the party needs any opinion from me, I am able to offer that, but I am not interested in party politics’.”

    It took over a week of persuasion to convince him to change his mind and accept the invitation. Influenced by Chiluba, the MMD National Executive Committee subsequently elected Mwanawasa as the party’s presidential candidate. In this intra-party poll, he defeated then Vice-President Enoch Kavindele, MMD National Secretary Michael Sata, Minister of Presidential Affairs Eric Silwamba, former Minister of Finance Emmanuel Kasonde, and Minister of Defence Chitalu Sampa.

    Champion of good governance, democracy, and economic reform

    Mwanawasa took office as President of Zambia in January 2002 after defeating ten other candidates in the 27 December 2001 election. He immediately set out a clear vision for his presidency in a mission statement where he pledged to “provide continuity with change. In the interest of our Nation, Zambia, and the common good, sacrificing all and expecting little in return, I wholeheartedly commit myself…to serve Zambia and Zambians to the best of my ability with loyalty, honour and integrity with all my heart and strength, with love and justice, with consideration and compassion, with commitment and dedication and in collaboration with all stakeholders, women and men of goodwill, to give fresh hope to our people, to create opportunities for all and bring honour, dignity and prosperity to our country, through honest selfless hard work above and beyond the normal call of duty.”

    Over the course of the next five years, Mwanawasa, in another move that demonstrates the meaning of competent leadership, put together the right subordinates with the required knowledge, skills, discipline and judgement to help him achieve or bring about the desired results.

    For instance, he appointed to public office principled and talented individuals such as N’gandu Magande (arguably Zambia’s best Minister of Finance), Caleb Fundanga (Bank of Zambia Governor), Mundia Sikatana (Minister of Agriculture) and Mumba Malila (Attorney General). Mwanawasa also carefully ensured that his appointments to public office reflected the ethnic diversity of the country. Tongas, Bembas, Chewas, Kaondes, Lozis, Lundas and Luvales all found room in his Cabinet.

    This commitment to fostering a sense of national inclusion was further shown in his choice of the four different individuals he appointed to the position of Vice President of Zambia, starting with Enoch Kavindele in 2002, followed by Nevers Mumba in May 2003, Lupando Mwape in October 2004, and Rupiah Banda, who replaced Mwape after the latter lost his parliamentary seat in the 2006 general election. Such a high turnover of vice presidents demonstrated the willingness of President Mwanawasa to take responsibility whenever required and nurture alternative leaders by exposing them to positions of greater responsibility.

    In addition to rehabilitating, maintaining and building new public infrastructure, with clear project selection and high priority investments, Mwanawasa’s government also instituted a number of important policy reforms such as decentralisation and an anti-corruption campaign that saw the prosecution of several former government figures, including his predecessor.

    Mwanawasa inherited a poorly performing economy. Among the issues that he had to grapple with was the mass unemployment that had resulted from redundancies from privatisation and the liquidation and closure of over 250 state enterprises. Others were soaring inflation, high interest rates and the devastating consequences of the January 2002 decision by Anglo-American Corporation to pull out of Zambia’s mining industry due to the declining price of copper, the country’s biggest export earner.

    The government’s attempts to reverse the economic decline were severely undermined by a staggering external debt amounting to US$6 billion, which condemned Zambia to the classification of a Highly Indebted Poor Country. Under the leadership of Mwanawasa, the MMD moved to revive the economy in three main ways.

    First, his government prioritised food security by enhancing its support to agriculture. For instance, Mwanawasa made the Farmer Input Support Program (formerly the Fertiliser Support Program) a cornerstone of Zambia’s agricultural policy, one that helped to increase private sector participation in agricultural input markets and improve household food security.

    He also launched the winter maize project, which turned out to be a success in addressing critical food shortage especially after he rejected the importation of genetically modified maize consignments from the United States of America on the grounds that the food could be harmful to human beings and the environment.

    Second, Mwanawasa’s administration resuscitated the mining industry, which had been in freefall since the 1970s, by bringing new investors mainly from Canada, Europe and China. As well as generating significant revenue in form of taxes for the government, the move led to job creation and the revival of the industrial Copperbelt.

    Third, in an effort to qualify for debt relief as prescribed by the International Monetary Fund and World Bank, Mwanawasa presided over the implementation of deeply unpopular but necessary austerity measures, including a one-year wage freeze on civil servants’ salaries, a significant increase in taxes, a halt in hiring public service labour and reduced funding to social services.

    While the President defended the implementation of the new structural adjustment policies as essential to economic recovery, the opposition, led by the Patriotic Front (PF)’s Michael Sata, cited them as evidence of a government that was unresponsive to the concerns of urbanites and promised to deliver (without explaining how) better working conditions such as “lower taxes, more jobs and more money” in people’s pockets. The net result of Mwanawasa’s policies was the near-total cancellation of Zambia’s foreign debt in 2005. The considerable resources freed from debt repayments enabled the government to tackle unemployment and invest in key social sectors such as education, agriculture and health.

    Another area that became the focus of the government under Mwanawasa was constitutional reform. In 2003, he worked with civil society to constitute a broadly representative Constitution Review Commission (CRC), headed by Willa Mung’omba, that was tasked to collect views from the public for constitutional amendment and recommend the best mode of adopting the new constitution. The CRC completed its work in 2005, but the constitutional reform process was not concluded until after President Mwanawasa’s death.

    Mwanawasa’s first term was however not without its challenges. For instance, his 2001 victory was the subject of an election petition that dragged on until February 2005 when the Supreme Court dismissed it. Lacking a clear majority in parliament, Mwanawasa sought to address the problem by co-opting into Cabinet several articulate opposition MPs such as Sylvia Masebo and Dipak Patel, consequently earning criticism that he was undermining the capacity of the opposition to control the already dominant executive and modify its policy proposals.

    The nomination of Mumba, a losing presidential candidate in the 2001 elections, to the position of Vice-President attracted the ire of the then main opposition United Party for National Development (UPND), which argued that the move violated the constitution’s prohibition of any person being appointed to the National Assembly if they had been a candidate in the preceding general election. In view of this, the UPND moved an impeachment motion against Mwanawasa, one that he survived in August 2003 after members of parliament voted 92-57 against it.

    His leadership of the MMD was also tenuous and it was not until July 2005 that he was elected party president, having occupied the position in an acting capacity since 2002. In addition, the attempted deportation of Post newspaper satirist Roy Clarke in January 2004, on the allegation that the white British national who had lived in Zambia since 1962 had insulted the President and his ministers, attracted criticism that Mwanawasa was trying to undermine free speech.

    In a show of judicial independence that was characteristic of Mwanawasa’s presidency, the High Court quashed the deportation order of the then Minister of Home Affairs, Ronnie Shikapwasha. Notwithstanding the Clarke incident, Mwanawasa remained mostly supportive of media freedom, tolerated political debate, and refused to curtail the mobilisation activities of opposition parties and civil society.

    On a personal level, Mwanawasa radiated elegance and grace, basic rectitude, authentic love for family (even in its extended structure), care and respect for the dignity of others, and wisdom in judgement. Together with Maureen, he raised his children well and taught them never to be corrupt or extend their hands to public coffers. Despite his demanding public office commitments, Mwanawasa made time for his wife, children and best friends, showing by example that family and community are more important than wealth and status. Tragedy also occasionally befell him. He suffered a minor stroke in April 2006, two months before his mother died in June.

    The President recovered and won a second term in September 2006. He continued with many of the progressive reforms that he had initiated in his first term in office, centred on service delivery, spearheading economic reform, enhancing food security, creating more jobs, supporting the fight against corruption, and the promotion of good governance, constitutionalism and the rule of law.

    When Sata, who had been at loggerheads with the president since their time in the MMD in the early 1990s, suffered a heart attack in April 2008, Mwanawasa, consistent with his pledge to serve Zambians with selflessness, sacrificed his qualified personal dislike for Sata to further the leadership ideals that underpinned his presidency.

    In a move that demonstrated his humanity, he ordered that his main rival be evacuated to South Africa for specialist treatment. Mwanawasa later explained why he took the decision in a response that revealed his clear appreciation of the role of opposition parties in a competitive multiparty democracy and the benefits that accrue to those in power when they are receptive to criticism. Without such an effective opposition politician as Sata, Mwanawasa suggested, both his leadership and Zambia would have been poorer for it.

    “If you had asked me before [Sata suffered a heart attack], I would have told you that I don’t like this person. I don’t even like to hear his voice. That is how much I detested this man because he was maliciously making my job difficult to govern this country. But the news of his illness gripped me with sadness.

    I realised just how much I needed him. To be President, I do not want to be hero-worshipped all the time. I want people who can correct me, show me that the best it is done would be this way. Of course, if I do not agree, I will tell them that I do not agree for this and this reason. So, I realised just how much I need him around. He is a good fellow to have around,”, Mwanawasa told the media at a press briefing that was also attended by the recovered PF leader, who thanked him for his magnanimity.

    Death and the address to Zambians from the grave

    On 29 June 2008, President Mwanawasa left Zambia to attend the African Union Heads of State and Government ordinary summit in Egypt. Later that day, Mwanawasa was reported to have suffered a major stroke that left him in a critical condition. He was subsequently flown to Percy Military Hospital in France for treatment but died on 19 August 2008, aged 59, following what was said to be complications arising from the stroke. President Mwanawasa was put to rest on 3 September 2008.

    Addressing Zambia from the grave, in a pre-recorded video statement of farewell dated 23 March 2005 that was broadcast on national television, Mwanawasa stressed the values that guided his public life. Expressing gratitude for the opportunities that fell his way and displaying the profound awareness, decency and firm moral compass that were characteristic of his deep sense of self-identity, the address implored future governments to especially fight corruptionand is worth quoting at length:

    “I am grateful to all of you, for giving me the opportunity during part of my life to serve you as President. It was a privilege which I cherished up to my death. I did all my best to improve the standards of living of you my people. I strove to attend to the production of sufficient food for domestic consumption and for export. I worked hard to encourage investments, both local and foreign, so as to create jobs and so as to enhance the growth of our economy.

    “I believed that national development could only be sustained if good governance, respect for the rule of law and democracy were encouraged and not taken for granted. To spur these virtues, the fight against corruption had to be waged relentlessly and without treating anybody as a sacred cow. I regret that in my zeal to facilitate this fight, I lost friendship with a number of some of my best friends and at many times my own life and that of my family members were threatened. I want to assure the nation that no malice or ill will was intended in these initiatives.

    “I was driven purely by love for my country and the urgent need to transform it from poverty to prosperity. I have always been grieved to see so much poverty, hopelessness and anguish in the faces of our children, the leaders of tomorrow. It has always been my belief that nobody has the right to take away what we should be giving to these children and keep them in their selfish pockets. I do hope that the party, the Movement for Multiparty Democracy, can continue with this vision for our nation pursuing the fight of zero tolerance to corruption.

    “I was sad when some of you our members appeared to embrace corruption and actually criticized me for fighting the scourge. This vice will not develop our country.
    It is my desire that all future governments will continue to wage this fight. If in my endeavours to provide only the best for my country I offended some of my compatriots, all I can ask is that they should find a place in their hearts to forgive me as no deliberate intentions to harm their feelings without just cause was intended.

    “To those who attended my funeral and to those who mourned with my family, I say I am extremely grateful to all of you. I am certain that I speak on behalf of my family that their burden has thereby been lightened.”

    I miss Levy Mwanawasa. He was a damn good president, who demonstrated that leadership matters and embodied the ethos of basic integrity, soundness in decision-making process, a resilient sense of optimism, and respect for one another’s humanity.

    Constantly rising above partisan considerations and providing decisive leadership, Mwanawasa ended the culture of political violence by party cadres and the humiliating practice of lining up women to dance and welcome the President at airports. Ministers accused of corruption were dismissed even before the public complained and subsequently prosecuted. While he saw himself primarily as a lawyer, many Zambians fondly remember Mwanawasa as the President of Zambia that the present demands, a good foot soldier for justice and freedom, and one of the country’s genuine post-independence heroes, whose leadership was anchored on the promotion of ethical values and social justice.

     

    Sishuwa Sishuwa is a political historian and a Postdoctoral Research Fellow in the Institute for Democracy at the University of Cape Town.

    source https://taarifa.rw/scanning-through-patrick-mwanawasa-leadership-matters/

  • Kimenyi Yves yasobanuye uburyo Rayon Sports ikomeje kumubuza amahirwe akomeye #rwanda #RwOT

    Umunyezamu w’Amavubi, wakiniraga Rayon Sports akaba yarasinyiye Kiyovu Sports, Kimenyi Yves avuga ko Rayon Sports ikomeje kumubuza amahirwe yo kujya gukina hanze y’u Rwanda ku bintu yita amaherere.

    Kimenyi Yves yasinyiye Rayon Sports mu mpeshyi ya 2019 ariko mu mafaranga yaguzwe ahabwa igice hasigara miliyoni 6, bari bumvikanye ko niberenza tariki ya 30 Nzeri 2019 amasezerano azahita ateshwa agaciro.

    Muri Gicurasi 2020, uyu munyezamu yahisemo gusesa amasezerano na Rayon Sports nyuma y’uko itamuhaye ibyo bumvikanye ku gihe, gusa akaba n’ubu atarabona urwandiko rumurekura ‘release letter’ n’ubwo yasinyiye Kiyovu Sports.

    Aganira na City Radio, Kimemyi Yves yavuze ko Rayon Sports ikomeje kumuzitira imubuza amahirwe yo kuba yajya gukina hanze y’u Rwanda.

    Yavuze ko ubwo igihe cyo kwishyurwa cyari kigeze yasabwe kwihangana abwirwa ko birimo gutunganywa, birinda bigera mu Kuboza 2019, kuko hari umukino wa APR FC yirinda kubivanga ariko urangiye yagerageje kuvugisha ubuyobozi abura n’umwe umwitaba.

    Kimenyi Yves ahamya ko Rayon Sports ikomeye kumuzitira

    Muri icyo gihe yaje kubona ikipe imwifuza, yiteguye no guhita yishyura kuko ngo yari yaramushimye ariko ubuyobozi bwa Rayon Sports buramwangira.

    Yagize ati“muri icyo gihe naje kubona ikipe ishaka guhita insinyisha kuko ngo bari baranshimye banzi, bambwira ngo ngende turangizanye nzagaruke mu Rwanda gufata ibintu byanjye, n’itike y’indege bayikatishije, mbibwira perezida arambwira ngo mbe ndetse ngo kuko ibiri imbere ari byo byiza. Iyo kipe ni iyo muri Afurika ariko ntabwo nyivuga munyihanganire.”

    Yakomeje avuga ko muri Gicurasi yongeye kubona indi kipe imwifuza ku mugabane w’u Burayi, ariko na bwo akaba abona bitazakunda kuko igihe kirimo gushira kuko Rayon sports yanze kumuha ‘Release letter’.

    Ati“naje kubona indi kipe yo ku mugabane w’u Burayi, ariko kubera ko indege zitagendaga kubera COVID-19, bari bampaye gahunda ya 20 Kanama 2020. Hariya ho bakora kinyamwuga ntibaba bashaka ibintu byajya kubarushya bibatwara mu manza, barakubaza witeguye kuza, ufite release letter, uti ndabifite, bakakubwira ngo uzaze, wenda tukananiranwa kumafaranga ariko ibindi mbyujuje. Twagombaga kumarana icyumweru n’igice nkora igeragezwa.”

    Yakomeje agira ati“Release Letter naje kuyibura kuko perezida Sadate yambwiye ko ngomba kurekera Rayon Sports ibirarane imfitiye(recruitment n’imishahara) nkanongeraho miliyoni 2, urumva amahirwe arimo kugenda agabanuka kuko bampaye kugeza tariki 2 Nzeri 2020.”

    Kimenyi Yves arishyuza Rayon Sports miliyoni 6 zasigaye kuri recruitment, umushahara w’amezi 2. Avuga ko mu gihe baba banze ko bikemurwa ku ineza azitabaza FERWAFA ikaba yamurenganura.

    Ngo ubwumvikane nibwanga, azagana inzira y’amategeko

    source http://isimbi.rw/siporo/article/kimenyi-yves-yasobanuye-uburyo-rayon-sports-ikomeje-kumubuza-amahirwe-akomeye

  • Strangest Tour de France Ever Enters Day 2 #rwanda #RwOT

    There was a feeling of loss, guilt and fear as the oddest Tour de France cycling race kicked off on Saturday amidst fears of Covid-19 pandemic.

    However, riders peeled off their face masks and pedalled off from the start in the Mediterranean city of Nice and the Tour begin to look like its old, pre-Covid self, immediately delivering thrills and spills as storms made the roads as slippy as ice.

    The French government cautioned fans that staying home and watching from their TV sets was the best way to keep safe…but those that lined up on the tarmac had their own measures- they kept at arm’s length as they cheered off their cycling stars peddling in a drizzle.

    Norwegian rider Alexander Kristoff won the first stage with a fearsome final sprint. He powered past thin crowds on the finishing straight in Nice that would usually have been crammed with spectators rows deep.

    Kristoff won the first yellow jersey of the 2020 Tour which he is wearing as the race leader on Sunday’s Stage 2 that loops into the mountains behind Nice.

    In Yellow Jersey; Tour de France Norwegian rider Alexander Kristoff

    “An amazing feeling,” he told reporters at the finish. “It means a lot for my career and a stage win shows I can still be up there even at 33 years old and with four kids.”

    Kristoff stood alone on the winner’s podium, flanked by a host and a hostess a safe distance away. He then disappeared backstage to wriggle into the jersey himself, before coming back out to pose for photos.

    Still, the thrill of wearing the jersey for first time in his eight Tours more than outweighed the weirdness.

    source https://taarifa.rw/strangest-tour-de-france-ever-enters-day-2/

  • How Arsenal Punished Liverpool #rwanda #RwOT

    The Gunners won the FA Cup in 2019/20 and again showed the potential they have under Arteta by beating Liverpool to win the traditional curtain-raiser for the new season, the Community Shield.

    They need reinforcements; however, to close the gap on the top clubs in the league and they are expected to do to plenty of business in the coming weeks.

    Pierre-Emerick Aubameyang scored a superb goal and netted the winning penalty in a shootout as Arsenal beat Premier League champions Liverpool in the Community Shield at an empty Wembley Stadium.

    Liverpool striker Rhian Brewster, brought on in stoppage time, hit the crossbar with his penalty – the only one not converted in the shootout.

    Aubameyang’s curling strike gave FA Cup winners Arsenal the lead in the first half before Liverpool substitute Takumi Minamino equalised after the break.

    Minamino’s flicked pass to Mohamed Salah bounced back kindly for him to slot home from close range. There was a quick VAR check for handball by Salah but the replay showed no clear contact.

    Aubameyang continued to terrorise Liverpool’s defence, exposing young right-back Neco Williams.

    And when Aubameyang stepped up to take the final penalty, with the score 4-4 in the shootout, there was no way he was going to miss.

    He has netted 71 goals in 110 Arsenal appearances and no Gunners player has scored more than his five goals at the venue.

    It is the second year in a row Liverpool have lost on penalties after Manchester City’s victory in 2019.

    source https://taarifa.rw/how-arsenal-punished-liverpool/

  • Artist Kuami Eugene Scoops 2020-Vodafone Ghana Music Awards #rwanda #RwOT

    Kuami Eugene from Ghanaian just scooped the Artiste of the Year award at the Vodafone Ghana Music Awards 2020.

    The ‘Open the Gate’ hit maker thrills his fans with afrobeat West African rhythms- his songs are danceable and attractively sing-along.

    Born Eugene Kwame Marfo, his music forces you to shakeup your body- Kwame, since rising onto the music scene had earlier bagged the Highlife Artiste of the Year award on the same night.

    This brings to three consecutive years, the number of times he has won in that Highlife category in the annual award scheme.

    On the same Awards night, Kofi Kinaata also won three awards for Songwriter of the year, Most Popular Song, and Hiplife song of the Year at the 21st edition of the event.

    Diana Hamilton picked up the Gospel Artiste of the Year award.

    Medikal ‘Omo Ada’ won him the Hip-life song of the Year in addition to his Hiplife/Hip-Hop Artiste of the Year award.

    source https://taarifa.rw/artist-kuami-eugene-scoops-2020-vodafone-ghana-music-awards/